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The earliest texts found in Japan are written in Classical Chinese , but they may have been meant to be read as Japanese by the kanbun method.

Some of these Chinese texts show influences of Japanese grammar, such as the word order for example, placing the verb after the object.

In these hybrid texts, Chinese characters are also occasionally used phonetically to represent Japanese particles. The earliest text, the Kojiki , dates to the early 8th century, and was written entirely in Chinese characters.

The end of Old Japanese coincides with the end of the Nara period in The distinction between mo 1 and mo 2 apparently was lost immediately following its composition.

This set of syllables shrank to 67 in Early Middle Japanese , though some were added through Chinese influence. Due to these extra syllables, it has been hypothesized that Old Japanese's vowel system was larger than that of Modern Japanese — it perhaps contained up to eight vowels.

The vowel system would have to have shrunk some time between these texts and the invention of the kana hiragana and katakana in the early 9th century.

According to this view, the eight-vowel system of ancient Japanese would resemble that of the Uralic and Altaic language families.

A newer reconstruction of ancient Japanese shows striking similarities with Southeast-Asian languages, especially with Austronesian languages.

Several fossilizations of Old Japanese grammatical elements remain in the modern language — the genitive particle tsu superseded by modern no is preserved in words such as matsuge "eyelash", lit.

Early Middle Japanese is the Japanese of the Heian period , from to Early Middle Japanese sees a significant amount of Chinese influence on the language's phonology — length distinctions become phonemic for both consonants and vowels, and series of both labialised e.

Late Middle Japanese covers the years from to , and is normally divided into two sections, roughly equivalent to the Kamakura period and the Muromachi period , respectively.

The later forms of Late Middle Japanese are the first to be described by non-native sources, in this case the Jesuit and Franciscan missionaries; and thus there is better documentation of Late Middle Japanese phonology than for previous forms for instance, the Arte da Lingoa de Iapam.

Some forms rather more familiar to Modern Japanese speakers begin to appear — the continuative ending - te begins to reduce onto the verb e.

Late Middle Japanese has the first loanwords from European languages — now-common words borrowed into Japanese in this period include pan "bread" and tabako "tobacco", now "cigarette" , both from Portuguese.

Because the two languages are extremely similar, Early Modern Japanese is commonly referred to as Modern Japanese. Early Modern Japanese gradually evolved into Modern Japanese during the 19th century.

Only after , shortly after World War II, did Modern Japanese become the standard language, seeing use in most official communications. Modern Japanese is considered to begin with the Edo period , which lasted between and Since Old Japanese, the de facto standard Japanese had been the Kansai dialect , especially that of Kyoto.

However, during the Edo period, Edo now Tokyo developed into the largest city in Japan, and the Edo-area dialect became standard Japanese.

Since the end of Japan's self-imposed isolation in , the flow of loanwords from European languages has increased significantly.

The period since has seen many words borrowed from other languages—such as German, Portuguese and English.

Although Japanese is spoken almost exclusively in Japan, it has been spoken outside. Before and during World War II , through Japanese annexation of Taiwan and Korea , as well as partial occupation of China , the Philippines , and various Pacific islands, [14] locals in those countries learned Japanese as the language of the empire.

As a result, many elderly people in these countries can still speak Japanese. Japanese emigrant communities the largest of which are to be found in Brazil , [15] with 1.

Japanese emigrants can also be found in Peru , Argentina , Australia especially in the eastern states , Canada especially in Vancouver where 1. Japanese has no official status , [23] but is the de facto national language of Japan.

The meanings of the two terms are almost the same. The two systems have different rules of grammar and some variance in vocabulary.

Bungo still has some relevance for historians, literary scholars, and lawyers many Japanese laws that survived World War II are still written in bungo , although there are ongoing efforts to modernize their language.

Dozens of dialects are spoken in Japan. The profusion is due to many factors, including the length of time the Japanese Archipelago has been inhabited, its mountainous island terrain, and Japan's long history of both external and internal isolation.

Dialects typically differ in terms of pitch accent , inflectional morphology , vocabulary , and particle usage.

Some even differ in vowel and consonant inventories, although this is uncommon. Within each type are several subdivisions.

Kyoto-Osaka-type dialects are in the central region, roughly formed by Kansai , Shikoku , and western Hokuriku regions. Dialects of the Kansai region are spoken or known by many Japanese, and Osaka dialect in particular is associated with comedy see Kansai dialect.

The imperial court also seems to have spoken an unusual variant of the Japanese of the time. Young people mostly use Japanese and cannot understand the Ryukyuan languages.

Okinawan Japanese is a variant of Standard Japanese influenced by the Ryukyuan languages. It is the primary dialect spoken among young people in the Ryukyu Islands.

As these closely related languages are commonly treated as dialects of the same language, Japanese is often called a language isolate.

According to Martine Irma Robbeets , Japanese has been subject to more attempts to show its relation to other languages than any other language in the world.

At the fringe, some linguists have suggested a link to Indo-European languages , including Greek , and to Lepcha. As it stands, only the link to Ryukyuan has wide support.

Modern main theories tried to link Japanese on the one hand to northern Asian languages, like Korean or the bigger Altaic family also sometimes known as "Transeurasian" and on the other hand to various Southeast Asian languages , especially to Austronesian.

None of these proposals have gained wide acceptance and the Altaic language family itself is now considered controversial.

Other theories view the Japanese language as an early creole language formed through inputs from at least two distinct language groups or as a distinct language of its own that has absorbed various aspects from neighbouring languages.

For now, Japanese is classified as a member of the Japonic languages or as a language isolate with no known living relatives if Ryukyuan is counted as dialects.

Japanese has five vowels, and vowel length is phonemic, with each having both a short and a long version. Some Japanese consonants have several allophones , which may give the impression of a larger inventory of sounds.

However, some of these allophones have since become phonemic. The "r" of the Japanese language is of particular interest, ranging between an apical central tap and a lateral approximant.

This type of cluster only occurs in onsets. However, consonant clusters across syllables are allowed as long as the two consonants are a nasal followed by a homorganic consonant.

Consonant length gemination is also phonemic. The phonology of Japanese also includes a pitch accent system , which is a system that helps differentiate words with identical hiragana spelling or words in different Japanese dialects.

The stresses differentiate the words. Japanese word order is classified as subject—object—verb.

Unlike many Indo-European languages , the only strict rule of word order is that the verb must be placed at the end of a sentence possibly followed by sentence-end particles.

This is because Japanese sentence elements are marked with particles that identify their grammatical functions.

The basic sentence structure is topic—comment. The verb de aru desu is a contraction of its polite form de arimasu is a copula , commonly translated as "to be" or "it is" though there are other verbs that can be translated as "to be" , though technically it holds no meaning and is used to give a sentence 'politeness'.

As a phrase, Tanaka-san desu is the comment. This sentence literally translates to "As for this person, it is Mr. In Japanese, the subject or object of a sentence need not be stated if it is obvious from context.

As a result of this grammatical permissiveness, there is a tendency to gravitate towards brevity; Japanese speakers tend to omit pronouns on the theory they are inferred from the previous sentence, and are therefore understood.

In the context of the above example, hana-ga nagai would mean "[their] noses are long," while nagai by itself would mean "[they] are long.

In addition, since adjectives can form the predicate in a Japanese sentence below , a single adjective can be a complete sentence: Urayamashii!

While the language has some words that are typically translated as pronouns, these are not used as frequently as pronouns in some Indo-European languages, and function differently.

In some cases Japanese relies on special verb forms and auxiliary verbs to indicate the direction of benefit of an action: "down" to indicate the out-group gives a benefit to the in-group; and "up" to indicate the in-group gives a benefit to the out-group.

Here, the in-group includes the speaker and the out-group does not, and their boundary depends on context. Such beneficiary auxiliary verbs thus serve a function comparable to that of pronouns and prepositions in Indo-European languages to indicate the actor and the recipient of an action.

Japanese "pronouns" also function differently from most modern Indo-European pronouns and more like nouns in that they can take modifiers as any other noun may.

For instance, one does not say in English:. This is why some linguists do not classify Japanese "pronouns" as pronouns, but rather as referential nouns, much like Spanish usted contracted from vuestra merced , "your [ flattering majestic plural ] grace" or Portuguese o senhor.

Japanese personal pronouns are generally used only in situations requiring special emphasis as to who is doing what to whom.

When used in different social relationships, the same word may have positive intimate or respectful or negative distant or disrespectful connotations.

Japanese often use titles of the person referred to where pronouns would be used in English. This is because anata is used to refer to people of equal or lower status, and one's teacher has higher status.

Japanese nouns have no grammatical number, gender or article aspect. Where number is important, it can be indicated by providing a quantity often with a counter word or rarely by adding a suffix, or sometimes by duplication e.

Words for people are usually understood as singular. Thus Tanaka-san usually means Mr. Words that refer to people and animals can be made to indicate a group of individuals through the addition of a collective suffix a noun suffix that indicates a group , such as -tachi , but this is not a true plural: the meaning is closer to the English phrase "and company".

A group described as Tanaka-san-tachi may include people not named Tanaka. Verbs are conjugated to show tenses, of which there are two: past and present or non-past which is used for the present and the future.

For verbs that represent an ongoing process, the -te iru form indicates a continuous or progressive aspect , similar to the suffix ing in English.

For others that represent a change of state, the -te iru form indicates a perfect aspect. For example, kite iru means "He has come and is still here ", but tabete iru means "He is eating".

In the formal register, the question particle -ka is added. Some simple queries are formed simply by mentioning the topic with an interrogative intonation to call for the hearer's attention: Kore wa?

Negatives are formed by inflecting the verb. Plain negative forms are i -adjectives see below and inflect as such, e. The so-called -te verb form is used for a variety of purposes: either progressive or perfect aspect see above ; combining verbs in a temporal sequence Asagohan o tabete sugu dekakeru "I'll eat breakfast and leave at once" , simple commands, conditional statements and permissions Dekakete-mo ii?

The word da plain , desu polite is the copula verb. It corresponds approximately to the English be , but often takes on other roles, including a marker for tense, when the verb is conjugated into its past form datta plain , deshita polite.

This comes into use because only i -adjectives and verbs can carry tense in Japanese. Two additional common verbs are used to indicate existence "there is" or, in some contexts, property: aru negative nai and iru negative inai , for inanimate and animate things, respectively.

For example, Neko ga iru "There's a cat", Ii kangae-ga nai "[I] haven't got a good idea". Japanese also has a huge number of compound verbs to express concepts that are described in English using a verb and an adverbial particle e.

There are three types of adjectives see Japanese adjectives :. For example,. Both inflect, though they do not show the full range of conjugation found in true verbs.

The rentaishi in Modern Japanese are few in number, and unlike the other words, are limited to directly modifying nouns. They never predicate sentences.

Examples include ookina "big", kono "this", iwayuru "so-called" and taishita "amazing". The grammatical function of nouns is indicated by postpositions , also called particles.

These include for example:. It is also used for the lative case, indicating a motion to a location.

Note: The subtle difference between wa and ga in Japanese cannot be derived from the English language as such, because the distinction between sentence topic and subject is not made there.

While wa indicates the topic, which the rest of the sentence describes or acts upon, it carries the implication that the subject indicated by wa is not unique, or may be part of a larger group.

Ikeda, he is forty-two years old. Absence of wa often means the subject is the focus of the sentence. Ikeda who is forty-two years old.

Japanese has an extensive grammatical system to express politeness and formality. This reflects the hierarchical nature of Japanese society. The Japanese language can express differing levels in social status.

The differences in social position are determined by a variety of factors including job, age, experience, or even psychological state e.

The person in the lower position is expected to use a polite form of speech, whereas the other person might use a plainer form.

Strangers will also speak to each other politely. Japanese children rarely use polite speech until they are teens, at which point they are expected to begin speaking in a more adult manner.

See uchi-soto. The difference between honorific and humble speech is particularly pronounced in the Japanese language. Humble language is used to talk about oneself or one's own group company, family whilst honorific language is mostly used when describing the interlocutor and their group.

For example, the -san suffix "Mr" "Mrs. It is not used to talk about oneself or when talking about someone from one's company to an external person, since the company is the speaker's in-group.

When speaking directly to one's superior in one's company or when speaking with other employees within one's company about a superior, a Japanese person will use vocabulary and inflections of the honorific register to refer to the in-group superior and their speech and actions.

When speaking to a person from another company i. In short, the register used in Japanese to refer to the person, speech, or actions of any particular individual varies depending on the relationship either in-group or out-group between the speaker and listener, as well as depending on the relative status of the speaker, listener, and third-person referents.

Most nouns in the Japanese language may be made polite by the addition of o- or go- as a prefix. In some cases, the prefix has become a fixed part of the word, and is included even in regular speech, such as gohan 'cooked rice; meal.

For example, the word tomodachi 'friend,' would become o-tomodachi when referring to the friend of someone of higher status though mothers often use this form to refer to their children's friends.

On the other hand, a polite speaker may sometimes refer to mizu 'water' as o-mizu in order to show politeness. Most Japanese people employ politeness to indicate a lack of familiarity.

That is, they use polite forms for new acquaintances, but if a relationship becomes more intimate, they no longer use them.

This occurs regardless of age, social class, or gender. In addition to words from this original language, present-day Japanese includes a number of words that were either borrowed from Chinese or constructed from Chinese roots following Chinese patterns.

There are also a great number of words of mimetic origin in Japanese, with Japanese having a rich collection of sound symbolism , both onomatopoeia for physical sounds, and more abstract words.

A small number of words have come into Japanese from the Ainu language. Tonakai reindeer , rakko sea otter and shishamo smelt , a type of fish are well-known examples of words of Ainu origin.

Words of different origins occupy different registers in Japanese. Like Latin-derived words in English, kango words are typically perceived as somewhat formal or academic compared to equivalent Yamato words.

Incorporating vocabulary from European languages , gairaigo , began with borrowings from Portuguese in the 16th century, followed by words from Dutch during Japan's long isolation of the Edo period.

With the Meiji Restoration and the reopening of Japan in the 19th century, borrowing occurred from German , French , and English.

Today most borrowings are from English. In the Meiji era, the Japanese also coined many neologisms using Chinese roots and morphology to translate European concepts; [ citation needed ] these are known as wasei kango Japanese-made Chinese words.

Many of these were then imported into Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese via their kanji in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. As a result, Japanese, Chinese, Korean, and Vietnamese share a large common corpus of vocabulary in the same way many Greek- and Latin-derived words — both inherited or borrowed into European languages, or modern coinages from Greek or Latin roots — are shared among modern European languages — see classical compound.

In the past few decades, wasei-eigo "made-in-Japan English" has become a prominent phenomenon. See list of English words of Japanese origin for more.

Literacy was introduced to Japan in the form of the Chinese writing system , by way of Baekje before the 5th century. At first, the Japanese wrote in Classical Chinese , with Japanese names represented by characters used for their meanings and not their sounds.

Later, during the 7th century AD, the Chinese-sounding phoneme principle was used to write pure Japanese poetry and prose, but some Japanese words were still written with characters for their meaning and not the original Chinese sound.

This is when the history of Japanese as a written language begins in its own right. By this time, the Japanese language was already very distinct from the Ryukyuan languages.

An example of this mixed style is the Kojiki , which was written in AD They [ who? Over time, a writing system evolved.

Chinese characters kanji were used to write either words borrowed from Chinese, or Japanese words with the same or similar meanings.

Chinese characters were also used to write grammatical elements, were simplified, and eventually became two syllabic scripts: hiragana and katakana which were developed based on Manyogana from Baekje.

Hiragana and Katakana were first simplified from Kanji, and Hiragana, emerging somewhere around the 9th century, [46] was mainly used by women.

Hiragana was seen as an informal language, whereas Katakana and Kanji were considered more formal and was typically used by men and in official settings.

However, because of hiragana's accessibility, more and more people began using it. Digital animation of screens.

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